By Ambassador Henry Mayega
As President Yoweri Museveni’s legacy continues to disconcertingly drown out Uganda’s opposition, recent Africa-wide research has declared the country number 2 on the continent in terms of democratic rankings. Simultaneously, a fete was recently organised at Kololo ceremonial grounds to honour the president’s legacy and stellar contributions to Uganda’s economic development and political stability.
The President has, over the years, assumed a string of electoral wins; right from 1996 through 2001, 2006, 2011, 2016 to 2021, he has made elections predictable and regular, a departure and norm-shattering iteration away from our checkered history devoid of democracy. Why have they continually elected him? Because citizens have prized his solid record and legacy, typified by the following:
First, rather than sit drably in the droughty corridors of power, the Yoweri Museveni administration restored Uganda to the international files of honour by reinstating peace, stability and security in a once pariah country it had become before 1986. The unseemliness of the opposition, which characteristically argues against this thesis, astounds nobody, given their finite space on Uganda’s political canvass. This administration obliterated all Uganda’s rebel groups, pacified the country, and up its sleeves, it boasts of helping with enforcing and keeping peace in the DRC, Somalia, and South Sudan, amongst others, because you can’t give what you have not.
Secondly, this administration, rather than upend the precepts of the already heated-up national political climate by 1986, choreographed and effected decentralisation in Uganda, thereby devolving power from the centre to the periphery. Thusly, new terms—decentralisation and power-sharing—were added to Uganda’s political architecture of governance, thereby mobilising citizens for development. Many responsibilities hitherto shouldered at the centre are now obligated to peripheral leadership.
Thirdly, the women who were hitherto confined to the kitchen environment have, for the first time, taken up prodigious leadership roles such as Vice President, Speaker, etc. Ugandans ought to remember this administration’s progressive policy interventions of: 1.5 marks added to females’ scores to massify admission to university; the district women MPs; the national women council; women representatives at local councils; 30% executive representation in all registered political parties, etc. Uganda’s women’s emancipation strategy did not descend from heaven; it was well calibrated, time-tested and implemented initially during the 1980–1986 bush war struggle. It got the stamp of approval and was executed once this administration took government in 1986. The conflicted opposition orbit comprised of Wine, Besigye, and Ilk will, characteristically, not agree because, to them, Yoweri Museveni is exhausting all the possible achievable national goals, leaving no gaffes for them to use against him.
Fourth, in both the health and education sectors, this administration has outperformed all its predecessors combined; it has refurbished the 5 national and 13 regional referral hospitals, built health centres: iis (3364), iiis (1570), and ivs (222), and implemented a robust immunisation programme, amongst others. Museveni’s haters may not agree, but the massification of education opportunities through UPE, USE, the higher education loan scheme, revamping TVETs, and the construction of county-based secondary schools have been the handwork of this administration to shore up access to basic services for citizens.
Fifth, in terms of development infrastructure, this administration has convincingly outmatched all previous governments put together, including our colonisers; from a paltry slightly over 1000 km (1986) to the current 7500 km (2022) Tarmacadam road network, this is an astronomical achievement in terms of revamping infrastructure. The few heretics who are crosswise with his administration have largely been shunned because of the huge political delta between what they say and what Uganda’s bombastic voter has seen this president do.
Lastly, the restoration of traditional rulers in regions that revere them, the restitution of their assets, and the passage of the law that provides for and protects them from political predators speak to this administration’s desire to put out the blazing political embers in all senses. Surprisingly, in the army council that sat in Gulu in 1988, Kiiza Besigye was one of the statistics who opposed the restoration. Relatedly, the likes of Betty Nambooze have always wanted to appear as if they love the Kabaka more than the restorer, Yoweri Museveni.
Amb. Henry Mayega
Counsel General
Dubai, UAE
