The Chief of Defence Forces, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, has been praised by the leadership of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces for the rapid transformation taking place at the UPDF headquarters at Mbuya, but also across the country.

Under Gen. Muhoozi’s leadership, UPDF has registered major developments at Mbuya, and some of these include the fencing of the entire headquarters, construction of the new Quarter Guard, plus the ongoing construction of the new block offices for the top leadership.

In an exclusive interview with Eagle Online, UPDF, and Ministry of Defence, and Veteran Affairs Spokesperson, Maj. Gen. Felix Kulaigye reveals why UPDF is unstoppable on its transformative path.

“Without doubt, Gen. MK has cracked the whip. He’s responsible for this better gate and fence you are seeing. You can’t remove that from him. We had no quarter-guard to talk about, but now you can see what you are seeing. We didn’t have a fence, now we have one. The discipline, you saw the real competition in the competition, and those are aimed at bringing the soldiers’ alertness to the top,” Gen. Kulaigye said

Adding “The new headquarters? Individuals and collectively.  Then the new headquarters are coming up. He wants it in two years to be complete and so that you are not squeezed in this small room when you come to interview me.  You know, in this country, the military has not been given the priority it deserves in the public domain”.

Gen. Muhoozi has initiated several projects concurrently, benefiting the welfare of low-ranking soldiers.

“So, it wasn’t until recently that even at the individual welfare level, efforts came in. General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, when he was Commander Land Forces, had houses built in barracks at the unit level. Now it’s across every brigade. We are building battalions, homes for battalions under those brigades, and so, the brigade stays together as a family. No, we just don’t stay that way; it’s only the senior officers who live outside. And that’s being done at the welfare level; housing is at a very high level”.

In the same interview, UPDF highlighted why it will actively participate in elections by enhancing police monitoring of elections during this electoral period.

Below is the full interview with UPDF Spokesperson, Maj. Gen. Filex Kulaigye

Good morning, General. Good morning, Richard. Congratulations on your promotion.

Thank you.

And welcome back from leave. We’ve been missing you in action.

The much-needed leave. Sure. With 37 years of service, I’ve never taken such a long leave.

Wow. So, this was indeed very necessary. Doesn’t it accumulate?

I wish that were the case.  I don’t know whether the new law, the amended (UPDF) Act, helps us with the capturing, that’s because our comrades in civil service have a choice to leave, we don’t. But at least we now have a new leave for June. I think this is two months, one month.  and the others like that. I wish there were an estimated leave or payment instead of leave. I was sacrificed to serve you, so you brought yourself some of those things before God. But thank you. God has been gracious.

So, sir, we want you to inform the country on how you could… describe the current situation in the country, both nationally and along our borders.

The country is secure, stable, and growing. That one nobody should doubt. That does not mean there are no challenges that come up. However, I want to assure the citizens that, whatever threat may arise, we have built the capacity to deal with it. Either forestall it, that’s mitigation, stop it before it happens, or mitigate it if it has happened. Because you have two stages. You have a stage of deterring. That’s the word I was looking for. You have the stage of deterrence to deter a threat from being executed by the enemy. If you can’t deter, at least you can mitigate the action so that it has less devastation than intended by the one who did it. The third one… is now dealing with the consequences of the activity once it has happened. as we have been growing, the guidance of the commanding chief, the CDF’s focus, it’s about building capacity to have those three, to be able to do to that, mitigate and handle consequences if it has happened. and I can assure the country, people should be assured, you are secure and you will continue being secure.

Now our borders, besides the small arms proliferation, because of the instability in the neighborhood, in the West, in the North, as you know, in South Sudan, and Northwestern Kenya, there are small arms that keep coming into the country. And those are times the crimes of murder, armed robbery, and cattle rustling. But those who are qualified to be a national security threat, no. Our police and intelligence can be on top of the situation through collaboration. And maybe this will also answer some of the questions you asked. The jointness.  CDF Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba has now put in place regular security meetings of all agencies, not everybody, but the chiefs.  And I am privileged to be a member of that forum where we compare notes, we get information, we get intelligence, and we have agreed on the way forward jointly. You know, one of the reasons why the September 11 (2010 Kampala bombings) succeeded was rivalry between agencies. This one gets information, keeps it from the others. But when you have joint planning, joint briefing, then you have no reason to want to be said to be the best. You’re not trying to be, as the president says, pygmies competing among themselves about this one and the other.  We are scoring in the same goal. We are serving the people of Uganda. We are serving Uganda; we are serving the commanding chief. Why do you want to compete? It’s a team. And our team captain is the CDF, who must score to ensure that the objectives of the Commander in Chief, as President of the Republic, go through or succeed. Because security is not an end in itself. It’s a means to an end. It’s a facilitator for development.

And when you see the population explosion, you see the economy growing by leaps and bounds. despite the international situation, despite the regional instabilities, to show you there is something being built in this country. And that’s the cohesion of security, the security agencies, and this is thanks to leadership.

What are the UPDF’s main security priorities at the moment, especially about emerging threats such as terrorism, cyberattacks, and transnational crime?

Those you have mentioned are persistent challenges across the globe.  Terrorism, cybercrime, transnational.  Especially today, the issue of drugs.  drug trade, all the way from Latin America to Africa, and here to the Far East. The best way of dealing with these challenges is to build capacity and intelligence to be able to monitor them. Two, the capacity to investigate once you have a suspect.  And then three, if it gets to a national scale, then you must have the security capacity to deter the ramifications of this criminality.  But more so, cybercrime. Because cybercrime can cripple. Cybercrime can cripple your security mechanisms. Because once they hack into your security mechanisms, they will collapse.

There’s a colleague who was telling me his phone was hacked. He can’t access his email, can’t access his WhatsApp. Now you imagine deterring or failing an institution like UPDF from accessing itself. So, we have endeavoured to build a capacity both technically and in terms of human resources to be able to cope with the threats, and that’s why you heard over the central bank’s haste. What do people think is just automatic? No, the country has built the capacity to mitigate such situations when they happen. Otherwise, you will see things go down, and they may be difficult to recover from for a long time. We have been building capacity, and you see, after the 2004 Defense Review and Reform, we were able to identify the future threats to the country. And we realized that 75 % of those were non-military. Cybercrime is not in the military.  Transnational crimes, drug trade, and human trafficking are not human. Food security it’s not human and military in nature, but it’s real.  It’s a security threat. That’s why you realize that the creation of OWC was actually to address some of these challenges that you have been able to identify. 

And priority number one has been food security. You may realize that we have not had a serious famine in this country for about 10 years now. By God’s grace, but two, there were deliberate efforts to deal with these challenges, to plan and prepare ourselves. So, cybercrime is a real threat. There was even an attack either in the US or the UK, they were talking of some Chinese company. The best way is not to imagine the enemy will not come, but to make yourself invisible. And that’s what we are doing. Transnational, we need the nationals to be alert, because they use citizens. Now you hear of people being arrested in China, and they are asking the government to rescue them. But you are involved in the transnational crime elsewhere, and it’s punished by death. Because of the consequences of drugs, my brother is that the population gets destroyed. And the population being destroyed is the younger generation. We’ve cut Haiti. We’ve cut Haiti, thank you very much. It has now led to the collapse of the state. it’s a very serious matter that we must involve the citizens through mobilization, through mass communication, and media channels.

The unionists have a very big role to play. Although… The common thing with traditional media now, across all social media, it’s all from information, is disinformation, and it is other things. So, build capacity, mobilization for national consciousness to these crimes, and then three, where there is instability, like we have in our neighborhood, support efforts to bring stability.

 That’s our involvement in DRC; that’s our involvement in South Sudan. In pursuit of Pan-African ideology, but ultimately, whose goal are you serving? The stability of your country.  We’ve seen joint operations like Operation Shujaa in Eastern Congo.

Can you give an update on Uganda’s current military movement beyond its borders, and what objectives have we achieved?

Very good question.  First of all, we celebrate the achievement of Operation Shujaa.

What are these?

 One, ADF was 30 kilometres from our border. It’s no longer. Two, the population in western Uganda, along the western border, was always on the tenterhooks. Of course, at that time, there was infiltration. Three, the population inside Congo had been displaced. ADF was able to have gardens to farm cocoa, harvest coffee, besides the other means was… which enabled them are able to access money. So, they were able to make money to sustain their operations, to finance their operations. Schools had been closed; worshiping places were no longer functional. Even mosques, as long as you don’t subscribe to the extreme psychology, your mosque will be closed. All these are now functioning in Ituri, and part of North Kivu.

Two, the operation to the Western border. You remember the case of the school where the children were burned. Because the concept was that you have a force operating in DRC, but you also need the zonal force back home. And that’s how we recruited the LDUs, you should remember, after that school attack. That’s the first part of Operation Shujaa. Now, beyond Operation Shujaa, we brought in another operation, where we had to move into northeastern Congo. There were two cases, not two states, but two situations. Situation number one was the tribal conflict in Ituri between the Hema and the Lendu. And the genocide was unfolding. The same towards the Mahagi. And that’s how the decision was taken to now deploy on top of Shujaa, you have this operation going on to calm the situation at the request of the DRC government. And the results have been there, the areas are calm, the population is going about their business in these areas where the militias were massacring people based on ethnic lines. So, we have averted the genocide. Yes, we are dealing with our enemy, the ADF, but we have also supported our neighbours to pacify the areas that are near our border. Again, I want to repeat for the sake of appreciation from our people, that it’s because we have built the capacity that your country can afford to go to an operation outside using our organic resources. And it surprises me, allow me to say this, people decided to condemn. Why? Why is Uganda in the Congo, Sudan, in Somalia. Why not Uganda? If we are talking about African solutions to African problems, it can’t be just a cliche. It must be put into action; we must walk the talk, as the saying goes. If Africans have problems. We have no business sitting at home. Even our traditional wisdom said it. A neighbour’s house on fire will affect yours if you don’t go to put it out. Why should an African suffer? And the fellow Africans are simply lamenting. They don’t stop at folding hands. They lament. And they expect somebody from outside Africa to come and solve the problem? No. They must do it. So, we have built capacity based on that understanding that we are for Uganda and the rest of Africa. Before this operation, Shujaa has enabled us to open up Congo for business, and the roads that are being constructed.

We survived the financial breakdown of 2009 because of regional trade. You can’t see the benefit of regional trade, and you don’t promote it. First, infrastructure. Because of the roads in Congo, goods would spend weeks on the road due to the bad roads. Now, our perishables can also be sold because we are the food basket of this region.  Perishables can go, and therefore, Operation Shujaa has opened up Eastern Congo in terms of infrastructure. And if it wasn’t for the situation in Kivu, even the roads in there and Goma would have been done. Unfortunately, that one has stopped because of the instability in that area. What I want to conclude this point with is that wherever UPDF is, you will see positive results in terms of stabilization.

Can you provide a hint about our operations in South Sudan, where we have gone to support our sister, the young country?

First of all, historically, we are the guarantor of peace in South Sudan as a country. Our president has a responsibility as a Pan-African, but also as a commitment that leaders gave him to ensure that the young country called South Sudan, survives. And if we have not studied from our own experience, people should see that building stability is a consequence of consensus. Consensus will only be built when you have a state that initiates it.  If a state is threatened, it must deal with survival first. Now, when you’re a neighbour, and you wish your neighbour well, you must see where it is a priority, survival of the state. And we are doing very well. We have averted the crisis in terms of that regard. Twice, there have been attempts at genocide. We have been able to avert it. And now what we are looking forward to is the peace process for these insurgencies to come on board, as has been done before. And again, our president has been facilitating this.

There’s a joint mechanism there, where we are represented by a general who is doing that to ensure that the terms of the regional leaders of IGAD that were supposed to be followed in implementing peace, the peace process in South Sudan is implemented. And you can’t do that when the government is under threat of collapse. So, we are doing well on that front, and by the way, from our resources again.  So, our legislators ought to appreciate that this mission is an important one for human stability, but two for our economy. We have our businessmen and women who are trading in South Sudan. And you have not heard of recent attacks on trucks on Juba Road, thanks to our being here in South Sudan.

How is Somalia? Because we… heard the funders, the European Union and Americans, saying they are withdrawing, and AMSOM should stop. And then at the same time, the Somali government says, No, we still need them. Are we at the crossroads, or are we remaining in Somalia?

 Ordinary, that’s a crossroad because the African Union did not have the financial capacity to sustain that mission. But your readers may recall that we entered Somalia when there was no UN, and there was no European Union to support the mission in 2007. General Elwelu’s battle group and Maj. Lev Karuhanga’s first commander, the Somalia peace, Levi Karuhanga, there was no dollar, there was no water, there was no UN logistical support. But we sustained the mission until others came. So, for us, we are aware of threats of withdrawal, stopping work, because we have our economic challenges as well. 

The bottom line, you must enable the Somali people to stabilize. And the fact that we have been able to hold six elections since the mission started it’s a plus. and you cannot afford to pull out at this time. Then the latest is that there are some forward bases which had been lost by the national army, and those who had surrendered. They had been lost to Al-Shabaab. We have embarked on operations to recover them. And last week, we recovered one forward base, being something, their names are a bit sophisticated, but it was…  being an urban operation, it’s never easy. You know, fighting in urban areas.  To take even one building can take you a week or two.  But we have succeeded in securing it, albeit at the loss of about seven of our comrades.  But the enemy lost 30. And the amount of equipment recovered from there is incredible.

 It’s just testimony that these guys are getting funding from some sources. So, on that front also, we are doing very well. yes, first of all, we talked about the slowdown, but Somalia is bigger than Uganda, and you’re talking of growing down from 12,000 troops. To what? And what are they going to do? What happened is that our Commander-in-Chief rejected that notion, and for him, he said, if it’s about money, we shall look after our troops. So, we retained part of the force that is on the army’s pay, purposely to make sure that our soldiers are not swallowed up there. And anyway, the sustainability of the mission has begun. So, if we are talking of stabilizing Africa, then we can’t afford to pull back and say, because the other ones are afraid to give us the money, we give up. I think these three countries in West Africa are giving us the example: Mali, Guinea, and Burkina Faso. We had better be able to sustain our missions for the good of Africa.

 How is the UPDF working to improve civil and military relations, particularly in areas affected by past situations such as Karamoja and Northern Uganda?

First and foremost, like I said earlier, security is the first step for development. with stabilization in Northern Uganda, you have seen the explosion of development in Northern Uganda. Gulu city is growing faster than Kampala. Are you aware? Yes, yes, that’s true.  And I want to thank the people of Gulu because their city is the cleanest in the country.  So, I almost want to use the word dividend of the war. There has been an avalanche of business in Northern Uganda, and of course, the fact that it’s neighbouring South Sudan. So, one is the facilitation of the government programmes that are aimed at improving the lives of the people. The Minister of Northern Uganda is busy at it. Two, OWC, is busy at it. And that’s why we have been dealing with these areas where famine was common.  Northern Uganda was where NGOs were flying their flags, but it’s no longer the case. They are no longer the source of hope, but our government, people are also making their own lives better. And you can see that a social transformation is taking place in Northern Uganda. We have also had occasion to have interaction through seminars and conferences at the universities, in the institutions of higher learning, and with the civic leaders at the command level, at the political level, and also in the public relations department. Our constant engagement in the airwaves is purposed to enable to mobilization of people, first of all to sustain the peace but to work for their own better for domestic income. And I want to salute the government because of these programs, and now currently the PDM.

That is where the other programs did not score as we expected, we are seeing results of PDM at the micro level, at individuals, which shows you what they have done with their own money. And that is very important for the financial inclusion objective. So that you have a population that’s not in poverty anymore. And I would like to report, we’re talking of 39 households, I mean 61 % of households being outside the money economy. Now it’s the reverse, it’s 39 outside the money economy. 61 % are in the money economy. So, we have enabled socioeconomic programs to succeed.

Previously, there were no government departments in Karamoja. They all operated from Mbale. Now, we have fully fledged operations of all the judicial, public service, banks, hotels, and more so, now mining, agriculture, and then the cattle. There is something that I don’t know whether people have observed. One of the reasons cattle had been depleted three, four years ago from Karamoja was not because of the wrestling. No, after the successful disarmament that ended in 2009, the cattle trade in the region shot to the roof, to the sky. I remember following that, I saw many vehicles coming from Kotido, bringing cattle down south. So, a cow became a commodity. It was no longer a casual symbol. And some were going to Kenya. And the people were saying, No, it’s because of wrestling. No, wrestling had ended. Now theft began because the cow became lucrative for many purposes.

However, there is also improvement in coordination with our neighbours in Kenya, which has enabled the drastic fall in cross-border raids and thefts that have helped to deter the Turkana and the Pokot from exploiting the disarmament on this side of the border. And so, there’s a big improvement, a big improvement in stability, and we are seeing growth being registered in Karamoja.

There have been public concerns over human rights in security operations. What steps has UPDF taken to ensure accountability and professionalism among its personnel?

First of all, I want to celebrate the ability of the public to know what’s going on. It’s because of the freedom of expression and it’s right that is being sustained. But two, we are very cautious of anything that will injure our relations with the population.  For the record, we regard ourselves as fish and the water is the population.  No fish can survive without water, and so the army cannot survive without the population.  Those who have been found to behave, that has controlled our code of conduct, we have brought them to book. The concerns are there because now we have the media open and able to access our operational theatres, and it’s something for us to celebrate. But two, it’s not a desperate situation. These are isolated cases compared to where we are and how we relate to the public. Moreover, the fact that we share our media resources with the population wherever we are, especially by treating the sick and educating the children. And those are very important basic human rights that we sustain with the operation.  Those who err in terms of being errant in terms of behaviour in operations are individuals, and they are punished. 

I have said elsewhere, it’s important to check the people we are giving the army because we are recruiting from society. So, if I miss it here, is there a need to interrogate where I have come from? How did I grow up? Whether I brought it up or I simply grew.  Good, that makes a difference, and so, yes, we are concerned, some individuals have misbehaved, but remember, the old philosophy was, if somebody is stubborn or reckless, send him to the army. The other ones will manage him. But you have lived with this individual for 24 years, and you expect us to change him in nine months? Why are you doing yourself a disservice by empowering a rogue? We’d rather have the rogue arrested by the police to be charged or sent to rehabilitation, if you need rehabilitation, and you have people who are your best, your cream, to be handling your national security. But to answer your question directly, we are concerned with some individuals who come to misbehave, and we are harsh to them. 

Recently, you issued a statement clarifying fake news about UPDF recruitment. How big a challenge is misinformation to the military, and how is UPDF adapting to the digital era? 

My brother, that’s a very serious challenge.  Someone wrote, I’m forgetting the name, said that anybody serious in planning for future wars should know that the future wars are going to be fought in the media.  I remember the chief of the first forces of Ethiopia was here, and when I was introduced to him, he asked me that same question. How are you coping with the change in social media? So, it’s across the globe. What have we done?  One, we’ve trained ourselves in understanding the digital era. Two, we’ve deployed resources, and I will inform you, the people the bureaucrats do not appreciate this challenge. And when there is rationalization of the budget, the first target is the money for communication for reduction. So, you understand, therefore, that the people who are doing the planning do not understand modern times, and so many of the times we have had to do things the physical way.

 You mitigate your financial inability with the physical presence, as you have to go everywhere to explain to yourselves, explaining what the institution has done.  But…  The best way of dealing with this is engagement is going to the very field. Social media has no gatekeeper and so you must be on top of the situation that anything that has just been put up, deal with it. Because like this video, it’s a video of last year and the conmen are using it to con people, but I get amazed that I say every…  TV interview I have, I put on my headdress because there’s a difference between the cap of a Major General and the Brigadier General.  You can see there are two.  The Brigadier General and the Major General are different.  But even officers have asked me, How authentic is this? I said, but look at the head.  It’s a big challenge. We need resources. We need commitment that anything, whether it has come out at midnight or 1 am, by morning, you have already cleared the air, or you become the source. The most important thing for me, the best way, would have been the source. You are already the first source, but we have citizen journalism now. Everybody has a camera and a recorder. Everyone will give a story right now, and some even misinform deliberately, but two or three, it’s beyond the military. The challenge of mature politics or immature politics is that political actors in Africa are not as mature as elsewhere. If somebody’s not in the government, then that government should collapse, and where is it going if it collapses, and where will he go? I’ve told people before that a failed state is dangerous for both those in government and those in opposition.  So, it’s important that all of us work for the stability of the government.  You can air your challenges, your disagreement with the government, with the state, but the bottom line, I mean, let people see what happens in Israel. When there’s a challenge, they are all one.  Even in Kenya, when there was a challenge, they were all together. I think we need civic education yesterday.  So, politics is not seen as a game of life and death but as a means to leadership, not self-aggrandisement.

I mean, if people got the sense of selling their properties because he or she is going to contest, it means they are looking for a business. It’s no longer in service. So, the need for civic education will help us deal with issues about content. Content creation on social media is the way people have gone, whether the content has any value or not, whether it’s the truth or a lie, they don’t care. Now, this information has been used as a political tool. Kulaigye is dead.  And even when Kulaigye is seen alive, the fellow has no courage to apologise.  Now, for me, I don’t blame him. I blame those who follow, and if Richard lies three times, then I can’t… You have to be able to realise that this is not somebody to follow.  But our people are so gullible. After all, information is seen to be the main source of facts, even when… They are lacking.

So, it’s a challenge, but we need to train ourselves; we are training. Fourthly, we have a communication strategy that seeks to establish communication hubs across the country.  The purpose of these communication hubs is now coming into play. We want to create communication hubs, regional communication hubs. That if somebody is in Soroti. Under the UPDF, and Ministry of Defence and Veteran Affairs. If somebody is in Soroti, you are able to access information from UPDF, and Mbale will disseminate it to Soroti, to Kumi, to Tororo. You have another one in Gulu to deal with that. You have another one in Moroto to deal with the Karamoja sub-region.  The whole intention is the implementation of the Access to Information Act, number one.  But two, citizens’ education. Number three, improve civil-military relations. Number four, security collaboration with the wananchi. Because if you have information, you simply go to the district in Kumi or the district in Katakwi, and Katakwi passes it to sub-county A. And the assets are immediately given because we shall be coordinated both online and through other means.

Five. acquisition of equipment, modern equipment. We have been wanting to have our own TV and radio station.  We made challenges with the powers, but the leadership of the ministry is serious about this step. So that we have news coming from the military, news from the Ministry of Defence, so that there’s no longer speculation. You create content for yourself and create content for the citizens for awareness, because remember what our principle is? An effective, efficient and accountable defence force. Now, accountability is done through parliament and communication. Those are the mechanisms in place. 

As we approach the 2026 elections, what role will the UPD play in maintaining peace and security during the electoral process?

You know, this seems to be the promised year, like a promised land for the Israelis. We always up our game according to the tasks, the challenges of the time and the tasks that are at hand. The role of the UPDF, first and foremost, is to deter inextricable aggression.  And when a country is in an election, it’s like a patient with low immunity. It’s vulnerable. So, we must be in fact some places where they even close the borders, but you notice Uganda has never closed their border during elections. Why? Even on the polling day, borders are open because of the high alertness we put our forces on. But number two, election security. The primary actor is the police, but even if they deploy every policeman up to the IGP, they are not enough to guard all… There are about 7,000 polling stations. Yes. Already you can see, even if you are deploying 111, the police… The blue force is also silent for the police. So, we normally support the police in elections for election security.  They man the polling centres, we man the surroundings, but for that matter, therefore, we must work on coordination, cooperation, and collaboration, both at information collection, before the elections, during, and after.  Point four, like I said earlier, not everybody wants success; someone may see that I’m losing, then all of us must lose it. I have used the analogy of co-wives. If you can’t have him, all of us should lose. So, some would want to just end this thing. And for us, we must deter, like I said, deterrence is the preference. And so, deployment is for deterrence. That’s why, you see that during elections, there’s a lot of pressure on the men and women in uniform. It’s not to intimidate. If anything, we have endeavoured to make sure we are as easy.  So, we intend to support the police in ensuring election security.

Some critics argue that the military is sometimes seen as partisan during elections. What measures are in place to ensure that UPDF remains neutral and professional throughout the 2026 election?

First of all, Richard, that is a fallacy. We never carry out a referendum within the UPDF to know who supports where. And as you notice, recruitment is national. From Kisoro to Kabongo, to Karenga. From Busia to Koboko. We never ask during recruitment as to which political party they will join. Because we are the national army. people construe loyalty to the Commander in Chief as supporting the political party. They are not the same. Okay? But that’s withstanding, even then, we do educate our troops on how to conduct themselves in collections.  But as you know, human weakness, man is man, and some individuals will show interest in particular candidates. I’ll give you one particular case: There was a case where a general then supported a candidate who was against the candidate of the leading party.  One, he had violated our code of conduct, and two, now he’s even misleading the public, and we told him, that Comrade, here you have gone overboard, and he said, But this is my relative, this is my uncle. I have no choice. He said, Yes, you have to do it, then you must do it outside the barracks. He wasn’t even in the barracks; he was back in the constituency. But you must not be associated with the uniform, and so, in his own words, he packed his army vehicle, removed the uniform, and began, now, door-to-door, which itself is against the professional standards. However, that’s how alert we are to partisan politics. But, so, we do educate, we do monitor, and then we have what others don’t have, political education.  The purpose of political education is to show our troops where the country has come from, where it is and why it is here, and where we want to go, and how to get there. Now, you cannot do this if you are busy dividing them along political lines. One of the reasons why we chased places of worship in the barracks was exactly that, to avoid religious divisions. But you know, people say, oh, the UPDF is a partisan. These individuals may show bias because we are voters but too, but we also have interests and if we’re the smallest animal that can have interests, how about an army officer? strictly, we must remain non-partisan. And we ensure that.

How do you draw this line of loyalty with the Commander in Chief? and then to Uganda because it seems it’s quite difficult?

Yes, you, as an army officer, are loyal to the Constitution; you must remain neutral. Again, you have a Commander in Chief whom you must serve. Yes. But he’s also a competitor in the race. Yes. You have his competitor who is sending barricades of accusations against him and all. So, how do you draw that line? First and foremost, we must know that we have bond issues. For instance, I am the public communicator for the Ministry of Defence and the UPDF. If matters are political, that’s no go for me. Okay? Except to clarify where we have been dragged in unfairly.

But two, even if I have a sympathy for the commanding chief as an individual, I only wish him well. I cannot act against others. But, too, there’s something you said about the relationship between the Commander-in-Chief and Uganda. That presupposes the Commander-in-Chief’s interests are for Uganda.  We saw it in South Korea.  But you saw what the military did. Exactly. You saw what the military did. And for us, the day the interests and maneuvers of the Commander-in-Chief are against the interests of the people, you will say contradiction. That’s inevitable, because it is Uganda’s first. And fortunately, our Commander-in-Chief has a proven record of having Uganda more than many of us, if not all of us.

Can you, (UPDF), at any given time, do what the South Koreans did, if a Commander-in-Chief goes against the interests of the country? 

I don’t want to be misunderstood. But at all times, Uganda’s national interest will remain paramount.  Thank you. 

Has UPDF begun special preparations to coordinate with electoral and situational bodies ahead of the 2026 polls? 

Yes, like I said, we have joined together and we have a duty for our security agencies, police intelligence, and the army. And we not only get briefs, but we also plan for events, as you have to see the recent big ceremony on Martyrs, where Namugongo was blessing the pilgrims, both Catholics, Anglicans, and Muslims.  We successfully pulled off that mission. Not because there were no threats, actually threats were very high because Munyonyo was an example, but when you see the coordination and cooperation between all these agencies, it’s a testimony of what is going to happen. But I want to inform citizens, let people not worry about where we shall be. Our job is professional, and we want to ensure that every Ugandan has the right to vote. You know the recent bomb attacks have raised the issue of violence.

Why can’t security nip these attackers in the bud before the strike?  The attackers come close to their targets, including places of worship and markets.

But you have said exactly what we have done. We have stopped these fellows before they execute their mission. The Kalerwe and the Munyonyo are his testimony, and like I’ve told you, to me, that is the success of intelligence. And of course, there have been talks of, see this is a mere creation to make sure you get funding, however, as long as you’re enjoying peace, you never know what security agents do.  But I want to assure you, Richard, there are human beings in this country who spend nights awake to ensure that this country is secure.

Resources have been deployed purposely to build the ability to secure Uganda, and that tells me the threat across the world, but it’s not a sufficient reason for us to fear.

There are fears that the recent arrests of security operatives are linked to infiltration by enemies. How true is this?

it’s a false. No, it’s not infiltration. Yes, there are arrests, but not because of infiltration. It’s because of errors in our actions as individuals at the individual level. Two, mistakes we make out of maybe selfish interests. I summarized it as actions that are contrary to professional standards because it’s a neutral activity that may have been the reason for arrest, but it’s a matter that is being investigated.

However, the cause of the arrest is that people acted unprofessionally. But about infiltration, no. We are not infiltrated. There are errors, operational errors that were made at the individual level.

Mbuya (Ministry of Defence and Veteran Affairs, UPDF headquarters) now looks new, nice gate. We’ve also heard fewer negative stories about corruption and undersized uniforms. What is the logic behind the new trends? Do we attribute this to the new leadership of the Chief of Defence Forces under the leadership of Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba (Gen. MK)?

Without doubt, Gen. MK has cracked the whip. He’s responsible for this better gate and fence you are seeing. You can’t remove that from him. We had no quarter-guard to talk about, but now you can see what you are seeing. We didn’t have a fence, now we have one. The discipline, you saw the real competition in the competition, and those are aimed at bringing the soldiers’ alertness to the top. The new headquarters? Individuals and collectively.  Then the new headquarters are coming up. He wants it in two years to be complete and so that you are not squeezed in this small room when you come to interview me.  You know, in this country, the military has not been given the priority it deserves in the public domain.  Although the efforts of the Commander-in-Chief said the same, we needed to build the army. So, it wasn’t until recently that even at the individual welfare level, efforts came in. General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, when he was Commander Land Forces, had houses built in barracks at the unit level. Now it’s across every brigade. We are building battalions, homes for battalions under those brigades, and so, the brigade stays together as a family. No, we just don’t stay that way; it’s only the senior officers who live outside. And that’s being done at the welfare level; housing is at a very high level.

Professional standards are a key for anybody who is working. Training has high priorities, as well as that, but this time around, the other day, we even had the… virtual graduation or pass outs. We had never heard that before.  That all training schools can pass out at the same time. And the Commander-in-Chief is presiding without necessarily flying from point B, coolness to the Chief of Defense Forces.  In one year, the man is making tremendous inroads, and if anybody… Can’t see, he needs to go and see an eye specialist.

What is it that he is doing that the past leaders, CDFs, were unable to do?

He’s doing what others may not have achieved, not have achieved because of the time, yes, we appreciate that those of you out there who have visited here, see quite a total change.

At this rate, if you maintain him (Gen. Muhoozi) for the next 10 or so years, don’t you think UPDF will be a praiseworthy force?

You don’t need 10 years. Even in five years, UPDF is unstoppable. You see, each one of us has abilities that are different from the others. Each one of us has different skills that enable us to achieve what we want better than the others. The others were also oriented; they did build structures, and he’s building on what they did. You can’t say they did nothing. They did. They made their contribution, and he’s built on top of that.

But the speed depends on who he is, he is, and he has grown within the ranks, and he’s at the centre of knowledge. He’s been with the source of this wisdom himself, and so, he has been nurtured.

There is a saying that the mango does not fall far from the tree. 

What are the UPDF’s key modernization or reform priorities over the next five years?

One, welfare, because we have been behind. Accommodation has been behind. We have already, I forgot to tell you, we are now producing our food as a force. We are growing our maize and are no longer buying maize elsewhere, but we are buying from ourselves. So, money goes back to the consolidated fund, and so that is now a cycle.

Money is not getting out of the government; it’s building capacity. So, we are saving on food. We are yet to move on to textiles, uniforms, but we are now making equipment in Nakasongola. or the vehicles, bombs. We are making special use of fertilizers.  So, we have made strides in building the capacity of the ministry and the UPDF. So, the priority is sustaining that growth because we are not yet where we want to be. Technology is changing, and so, we have to keep updating our equipment, updating what we use for both combat and non-combat activities.

But three, constant good relations with the people of Uganda, and that remains a priority. We cannot afford to have a recent relationship with the people decline. If anything, we must invest in building a better image. And lastly, before you leave that one, our international engagements are growing. And by the way, we are on the market. We have now been requested to train Central Africans. And they’re here. We have brought them for training.

Wasn’t it Equatorial Guinea the last country UPDF was engaged in training?

Yes, we are still there, but the Malians are now here; they came for training. So, our international image, besides the tourism sector, has also promoted the image of Uganda as a UPDF.  Now, we must sustain that. It requires resources. It requires commitment.

With more young people entering the security space, what is the UPDF doing to attract, train, and retain the next generation of professionals?

Gladly, we don’t have to make an effort to attract; we have thousands that come. That fake video made people call and call, and I keep getting calls. When are you going to recruit?  So, it means this is the chance to inform you and your readers, we are going to recruit next month. What should the candidates have? And we’re not going to recruit very few. We’re going to recruit over 10,000 men and women. Fortunately, we don’t have to advertise ourselves. We only have to give information so that people know where and when to go. And we are aware, we have been instructed by the Commander in Chief that we are also another employment avenue. They need to find jobs also in the UPDF. And now, since we’re expanding our operations, since we’re expanding our activities beyond the 90 military activities like construction, like in research, both in medical and outside medical, we need scientists.

So, we are going to recruit, and like I said, because of the manpower coming out of universities, thanks to the expanded education, we don’t have to advertise.  But what is important, we need to engage so that the candidates who come are the best for this country in terms of character. 

What message do you have for Ugandans, especially the youth, as we move towards a highly anticipated electoral season amidst regional instability? 

First and foremost, elections are a very important activity. In fact, in Australia, if you don’t vote, you are fined, but here we are not yet there. So, I would appeal to everyone of us to exercise his or her right and choose our leader. But two, once you decide to do so, choose the person who is worth representing you. Go and cast your vote well knowing that you can decide who leads you, to decide who represents you is done on the polling day, and after that, you are dependent on the fellow you sent, whether he’s the best or he’s a buffoon, you can’t change until five years.  And then when you have not made the right decision, you begin lamenting, they are not helping us, but you are not representing them. So, take voting as important as your own life. Choose those who will represent you effectively, and thirdly, people need to know that Parliament is a very important institution in governance and in national development.  So, the people who sit in that parliament must be equal to the task. Not only of representation, but oversight. Now you can’t do oversight when you don’t understand what the government does, so send effective people who are equal to the task. And hold them accountable.

What exactly are you saying, since it’s a very important activity?

Every citizen must respect the activity, voting or elections must be respected.  And so, anybody who is seen as wanting to destabilize the electoral process must be apprehended early enough. That requires coordination, collaboration, and cooperation with the security agencies and the leadership, the civic leadership in the areas, villages, parishes, and sub-counties. Fortunately, every level has leaders. By the way, one of the leading countries is Uganda, because out of the five people in a district, four are leaders. So, we have an avalanche of leadership.  And therefore, my appeal is that leaders and the leaders alike work together to ensure a successful election. Lastly, there must be a winner; the winners must be gracious enough in their victory, but the losers must be disciplined enough to accept the loss and plan for the next. 

The very last thing I would say is that, or part of this one, if you have grievances, the procedures are there. Courts are there to air your grievances. There is no need for violence. Because what I want to say, and without fear of contradiction, anybody who tries violence will be dealt with sternly. We have seen a failed state elsewhere; we cannot afford a failed state or a failing state. And people have been predicting Uganda’s failure for a long time because they don’t understand us. They do not understand our ability because we don’t go to shouting what we are capable of. But certainly, instability can happen. The world is unstable. We all need to work together to ensure the sustainability of what we already have. 

Recently, parliament enacted a law, which was consented to by the president, the UPDF Act.  Among the issues raised, there was the donning of attire that is similar to or similar to military clothing.  As a force, what do you have to say about that?

The law has already been accepted, too?  The viewers need to switch now. Hello. And so, something’s always ready for implementation. But still, we have to appoint courts now. Exactly. is yes. So we have to appoint courts following the guidelines issued by the Supreme Court. And that is already being done in terms of proposals for people to man these courts at all levels.  But three, there was a question that you haven’t asked me whether it’s trying civilian things. Exactly, that was the next one. Allow me to bring out our disappointment in the military.  There are beautiful things, these amendments brought in that are ignored by this one small thing about tribal civilians. First of all, the trial of civilians is optional. If you don’t commit, you are not subject to mental law. If you are working with us, because if you work with us, you are subject to mental law. But if you work with us and you behave according to the law and the guidance given, you will go to the civil court. Oh, you are not even going to the court because you have followed the guidance you have been given. But this law brought in the following achievements. One. veterans had been thrown there to no one’s concern. Now they are back and they now recognise as having a contract with the government of Uganda.  Two, a veteran who retired in 1994, will earn the same pension as a person retiring now who is of the same rank. If a major general retired in 1999, and say if he has been getting only Shs30,000 as pension, now he’s going to get what is equivalent. Retiring now means earning a pension. Sure, knowing how veterans have been miserable, why can’t we celebrate this? Instead of going for this small thing that’s only for isolated incidents. This is affecting thousands of citizens who have retired since 1991. Four, veterans now are going to have the entitlement to government hospitals, government schools for their children. You are not going to say, ah, before you retired, you are not entitled to this. No. Already, we are implementing barriers. If a veteran dies, or if an officer, we have been giving them a decent burial. Now it is formalized. It’s no longer out of sympathy. It’s legal. I think those are the ones I can highlight.  So, the implementation has begun with the proposals for those to run the courts, but two are also now budgetary to cater for these new developments that the law has captured.  When do you expect the military courts to be in place?  I think by August we should be seeing these courts in place. Nominations are being made for approval.  command level and finally to the Commander-in-Chief. It’s no longer just us alone.

Lastly, what is our dissection rate as a force?

Interestingly, the dissection rate has gone down because of now better pay. know, previously, somebody lived in the jungles and they came home for Shs140,000. Even though it was increased to Shs280,000, last year it was Shs380,000 for a private soldier. However, currently, a private is earning Shs660,000, and it’s still ongoing. The increments have been gradual. So, it’s attractive to remain. And once you have better working conditions, you have housing for your family, you know, I’m where my wife and children are, you can be relieved when you’re in operations, that’s why we are recruiting every year to have sufficient numbers, you have no reason to desert. That’s a good song. Thank you very much. You’re welcome. Thank you.

The Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) has officially endorsed its Secretary General, Nathan Nandala Mafabi, as its presidential flag-bearer for the 2026 general election, following the voluntary withdrawal of party president Patrick Oboi Amuriat.

Amuriat agreed to step down in a bid to maintain party unity and boost FDC’s strategic positioning ahead of the polls.

Speaking shortly after stepping aside, Amuriat said, “I have therefore taken the decision to step down and support Rt. Hon. Nathan Nandala Mafabi as our Flagbearer. For unity. For progress. For the good of the party.”
In a Facebook statement, FDC’s official communication team reinforced that the selection was part of a deliberate effort to avoid internal fractures and present a unified front for the 2026 elections.

Nathan Nandala Mafabi, born on January 17, 1966, hails from Sironko District and holds degrees in economics, statistics, law, and education including postgraduate qualifications in legal practice and tax administration from prestigious institutions like Makerere University and the Uganda Management Institute. A seasoned politician, Mafabi has represented Budadiri County West in Parliament since 2001, winning five consecutive terms with strong majorities most recently securing 85% of the vote. During his tenure, he served as Leader of the Opposition (2011–2020) and chaired key parliamentary committees such as the Public Accounts Committee and the Committee on the Economy. He also holds the position of Vice Chair of the Parliamentary Network on the World Bank & IMF.

Mafabi’s reputation as a finance-savvy, principled leader with deep grassroots support and strategic acumen has made him a trusted figure within FDC and beyond. His professional background and record of public accountability have earned him widespread respect, even among political opponents. As an accountant, lawyer, and long-serving MP, Mafabi is often praised for his sharp intellect, incorruptible stance and unwavering commitment to public service.

The decision to back Mafabi reflects FDC’s desire to heal past divisions and unify ahead of a pivotal election where Uganda faces a crowded field including Yoweri Museveni (NRM), seeking an unsurpassed sixth term; Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu (Bobi Wine) of the National Unity Platform; Maj Gen (rtd) Mugisha Muntu of the Alliance for National Transformation; and other opposition leaders like Mathias Mpuuga, Norbert Mao and Joseph Kabuleta.

Within FDC, sources confirm that elders had long urged consensus to avoid a repeat of previous leadership rifts that led to defections and weakened the party’s electoral standing.

This moment marks a critical rebranding phase for FDC. Supporting a seasoned legislator with robust technical and political credentials signals a shift toward a more unified, professional, and campaign-ready platform.

FDC has announced plans to unveil a detailed campaign roadmap in the coming months, outlining national mobilisation strategies, thematic priorities, and candidate deployment across constituencies. As Nathan Nandala Mafabi takes up the mantle of FDC’s 2026 presidential hopeful, all eyes are on how the party will rally behind his candidacy. Will this internal realignment revive FDC’s electoral credibility and unify Uganda’s opposition? Time will reveal whether Mafabi’s blend of experience, integrity and grassroots mobilisation can break the long-standing incumbency.

The Bank of Uganda (BoU) has announced a scheduled auction for four categories of treasury bonds on Wednesday, August 6, 2025, to finance government operations and manage public debt

The central bank aims to raise a total of Shs1.4 trillion through this multi-tenure auction, reflecting the government’s continued reliance on domestic debt markets amid rising fiscal pressures.

The auction includes four classes of bonds:

·2-Year Re-Opening: 14.125% due Jan 13, 2028 – Shs200 billion

·5-Year New Issuance: Maturing Aug 01, 2030 – Shs300 billion

·15-Year Re-Opening: 15.800% due Jun 23, 2039 – Shs400 billion

· 25-Year New Issuance: Maturing Jul 07, 2050 – Shs500 billion

The settlement date for successful bids is set for Thursday, August 7, 2025, just a day after the auction.

Strategic Goals and Market Implications

The planned issuance aligns with Uganda’s medium-term debt management strategy, which aims to strike a balance between short-term borrowing and longer-dated instruments. By introducing new 5-year and 25-year tenures, the government signals a commitment to extending its debt maturity profile, thereby reducing the risk of refinancing.

The re-openings of the 2-year and 15-year bonds offer continued liquidity for existing instruments, while the high-interest coupon rates—14.125% and 15.800%, respectively—are designed to attract institutional investors such as pension funds, insurance firms, and commercial banks.

The offering comes amid a tight monetary environment, with inflation pressures moderating but fiscal consolidation efforts still in early stages. The central bank’s move to offer long-term bonds may also help lock in current rates ahead of potential future shifts in global or regional financial conditions.

Tax Considerations and Minimum Bids

BoU has announced that withholding tax will be applied as follows: 20.0% for 2-year and 5-year bonds and 10.0% for 15-year and 25-year bonds

This tax policy favors long-term investors and is expected to stimulate demand for the longer-duration assets, particularly the 25-year bond, an instrument rarely issued in African bond markets.

The minimum competitive bid for each category is set at Shs100 million, while the minimum non-competitive bid is Shs100,000. Bidders are encouraged to express their offers using the yield-to-maturity (YTM) model, and indicative yields include 14.125% for the 2-year bond and 15.800% for the 15-year bond, based on previous market references.

According to local bond market analysts, the auction will test investor appetite for long-term debt amid ongoing concerns over Uganda’s growing public debt, which stood at Shs96 trillion as of the end of FY 2024/25, or roughly 50.4% of GDP (Ministry of Finance, 2025 Budget Speech). The government’s shift toward domestic debt issuance also helps reduce foreign exchange risk but comes at the cost of potentially crowding out private sector credit.

“The issuance of a 25-year bond is a bold move,” said a fixed-income analyst at Stanbic Bank Uganda. “It offers pension schemes and long-horizon funds a rare opportunity to lock in relatively high yields for a long period, but its success will depend on market confidence in the government’s fiscal trajectory.”

The auction comes just weeks after the Minister of Finance presented the Shs72.1 trillion FY2025/26 national budget, of which Shs9.5 trillion is expected to be financed through domestic borrowing (BoU Budget Outlook, 2025). These treasury bond auctions serve as a primary vehicle for meeting that financing target.

BoU’s continued transparency in publishing auction details and settlement calendars is a critical aspect of its efforts to develop Uganda’s capital markets and encourage broad investor participation.

With Uganda aiming to expand its infrastructure, healthcare, and education sectors without excessive reliance on external borrowing, treasury bond auctions like this one remain crucial. Investors will be closely watching demand dynamics, especially in the new 5-year and 25-year maturities, to assess how domestic confidence in fiscal management is evolving.

The next auction results, which will be published after the August 7, 2025, settlement date, will offer a clearer picture of investor sentiment and could influence future interest rate trends and government borrowing costs.

The fallout from the collapse and takeover of Crane Bank continues to echo through Uganda’s financial system, exposing what appears to have been a coordinated, opaque process spearheaded by key individuals in both regulatory and corporate circles.

Central to this controversy are three prominent figures: Justine Bagyenda, the former Director of Supervision at Bank of Uganda (BoU), Juma Kisaame, former Managing Director of DFCU Bank, and Jimmy (Jim) Mugerwa, former Chairman of the DFCU Bank Board. Their actions, both individually and collectively, have drawn allegations of sabotage, insider collusion, and regulatory malpractice that facilitated a flawed and fraudulent transfer of Crane Bank to DFCU.

Justine Bagyenda played a pivotal role in the entire saga. As head of supervision at BoU, she was tasked with ensuring due process in bank resolutions. Instead, she is alleged to have initiated private conversations with DFCU Bank before any formal valuation of Crane Bank was conducted. Evidence revealed during both parliamentary investigations and court proceedings shows that Bagyenda personally invited DFCU’s top management to access Crane Bank’s internal data before the bank was formally placed under receivership. This unprecedented move gave DFCU an unfair commercial advantage and directly violated basic principles of transparency and regulatory neutrality.

Juma Kisaame, who was then Managing Director of DFCU admitted during parliamentary inquiries that his bank was approached before any official valuation of Crane Bank had been made. Kisaame oversaw DFCU’s internal due diligence into Crane Bank and later led negotiations that resulted in DFCU acquiring assets and liabilities without BoU first seeking competitive bids or independently verifying Crane Bank’s true market value. This has led to questions about whether DFCU, under Kisaame’s leadership, was not only a beneficiary of insider dealings but a willing participant in what Crane Bank shareholders have described as a corporate hijack.

Jimmy Mugerwa, then Chairman of DFCU Bank’s Board, was the public face of DFCU during the stormy hearings of Parliament’s Committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises (COSASE) in 2018–2019. During those sessions, Mugerwa and other DFCU executives failed to present coherent documentation justifying the acquisition, including asset valuation reports, timelines of negotiations, and minutes of board deliberations. At one point, MPs threw out the entire DFCU team for presenting unsigned and undated documents. This conduct not only embarrassed DFCU but also increased suspicions that the bank’s acquisition of Crane Bank was shrouded in impropriety.

The Auditor General later confirmed that BoU had sold Crane Bank without an independent valuation. Instead, the central bank relied on DFCU’s internal assessments to determine asset values. Properties worth over Shs500 billion were sold for Shs90.5 billion without competitive bidding. COSASE’s final report described the process as “irregular, flawed and done in bad faith,” implicating BoU officials, particularly Bagyenda, in deliberate sabotage.

The UK High Court has since ruled that Crane Bank shareholders, led by Sudhir Ruparelia can proceed with claims against DFCU and its top executives, including Mugerwa and Kisaame. The court found the allegations of fraudulent asset seizure serious enough to warrant a full trial. Crane Bank’s owners are seeking over £170 million in compensation.

Public outrage has not been absent. Civil society groups once dumped piglets labeled “Kisaame” and “Bagyenda” outside BoU headquarters to protest what they called “elite corruption” and collusion. Media houses, legal scholars and banking analysts have echoed the same concern: that Crane Bank’s collapse and DFCU’s takeover were less about insolvency and more about an orchestrated transfer of assets designed to benefit a select few at the top.

Today, the saga remains a case study in how regulatory manipulation and corporate greed, enabled by powerful insiders, can undermine public trust in financial institutions. As legal proceedings continue in London and scrutiny mounts at home, the roles of Bagyenda, Kisaame, and Mugerwa will remain under the microscope. Their actions, once obscured by bureaucratic privilege, are now etched in public record as part of Uganda’s most notorious banking scandal.

The Commander of the Special Forces Command (SFC), Major General David Mugisha, has applauded President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni for his transformative leadership that has shaped the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (UPDF) into a modern, professional army.

“I extend my deepest appreciation to the President of the Republic of Uganda, Gen Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, who is also the Commander-in-Chief of the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces, for his able leadership that has transformed the armed force from a guerrilla-based struggle to a modern and professional institution in the region,” Maj Gen Mugisha said.

He made the remarks while officiating at the retirement ceremony of 52 SFC officers at the command’s headquarters in Entebbe. The group included eight senior officers and 44 other ranks.

According to Maj. Gen. Mugisha, President Museveni has institutionalized a dignified retirement process, ensuring that soldiers transition with honor and visibility. “Today our brothers and sisters retire honourably, walking out with their heads high and satisfied with the system they have been serving,” he said.

He further praised the Chief of Defence Forces, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, for steering the UPDF’s continued modernisation and for strengthening the welfare of troops. “His commitment to establishing a dignified retirement framework has ensured that every soldier upon completion of his service goes with his pride, dignity, and financial support.”

Paying tribute to the retiring officers, Maj Gen Mugisha described their careers as a legacy of commitment and sacrifice. “We are here not to mark the end of service of our comrades but to honour a lifetime of sacrifice, commitment, and valour. Today, we celebrate the retirement of the distinguished group of SFC officers and men who have served our country with unwavering dedication,” he said.

“You have served with courage, integrity, and distinction, often in silence, danger, and in places many may never know. You defended our sovereignty, our country, protected our leaders and institutions, and personified the ethos of the UPDF.”

He urged them to use their retirement packages wisely by investing in sustainable ventures. “Avoid high-risk ventures that may undo your years in service and remain ambassadors of our values in your communities,” he advised.

“Retirement is not the end but the new beginning. The battlefield may change, but the mission continues in your homes, communities, and the country at large. I urge you to maintain the discipline and ethos you have held while in service.”

Colonel John Mango Baraza, Director of Human Resource Management at SFC, described retirement as a vital component of personnel administration, enabling professional exit and continuity. “Retirement is fundamental since it ensures the balance in having a professional force. It also enables multi-career progression, ensures course continuity, networking with the civilian communities, and enables them to invest their retirement packages wisely while still able,” he noted.

He added that the 52 retirees had served the country for periods ranging from 16 to 36 years.

Lieutenant Colonel Fred Mwesigwa, former SFC Director of Communication and ICT, speaking on behalf of five other senior officers who retired earlier this month at Mbuya, thanked the President for professionalising the army. “There has been a remarkable transformation in implementing innovative strategies and modernising our operations, adopting new technologies and methodologies which have greatly enhanced our capabilities to tackle emerging challenges,” he said.

He encouraged his fellow retirees to support Uganda’s socio-economic transformation and to remain ambassadors of the UPDF.

Captain Emmy Rubonga, speaking on behalf of the retiring officers of other ranks, expressed gratitude to President Museveni and the UPDF leadership for their guidance. “For the period we have served in the army, we have gained a lot. To the CDF, we wish him long life because he has endeavoured to make the UPDF the best forces in the region and the continent at large,” Capt Rubonga said.

“The Commander SFC, you have led very well. You are dedicated to the service and development of this country.”